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Edmund Burke

Edmund Burke


Edmund Burke, was born in Dublin, January 12, educated at a Quaker boarding school and at Trinity College, Dublin. In 1750 he entered the Middle Temple, London, but soon abandoned law for literary work.

The best of Burke's writings and speeches belong to this period, and may be described as a defense of sound constitutional statesmanship against prevailing abuse and misgovernment. In 1788 he opened the trial of Warren Hastings by the speech which will always rank among the masterpieces of English eloquence.

Burke had vast knowledge of political affairs, a glowing imagination, passionate sympathies, and an inexhaustible wealth of powerful and cultured expression. However, his delivery was awkward and speeches which today captivate the reader only served to empty the benches of the House of Commons (some speeches were in excess of eight hours).

One of the foremost political thinkers of 18th century England, Burke died July 9, 1797, and was buried in a little church at Beaconsfield.
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​To secure any degree of sobriety in the propositions made by the leaders in any public assembly, they ought to respect, in some degree perhaps to fear, those whom they conduct. To be led any otherwise than blindly, the followers must be qualified, if not for actors, at least for judges; they must also be judges of natural weight and authority. Nothing can secure a steady and moderate conduct in such assemblies, but that the body of them should be respectably composed, in point of condition in life, of permanent property, of education, and of such habits as enlarge and liberalize the understanding.
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To make a government requires no great prudence. Settle the seat of power; teach obedience: and the work is done. To give freedom is still more easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to let go the rein. But to form a free government; that is, to temper together these opposite elements of liberty and restraint in one consistent work, requires much thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and combining mind.
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To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ, as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country and to mankind. The interest of that portion of social arrangement is a trust in the hands of all those who compose it; and as none but bad men would justify it in abuse, none but traitors would barter it away for their own personal advantage
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There is no qualification for government but virtue and wisdom, actual or presumptive.
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Everything ought to be open,—but not indifferently to every man.
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I do not like to see any thing destroyed; any void produced in society; any ruin on the face of the land.
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I was, indeed, aware that a jealous, ever-waking vigilance, to guard the treasure of our liberty, not only from invasion, but from decay and corruption, was our best wisdom and our first duty.
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So far is it from being true that we acquired a right by the Revolution to elect our kings that, if we had possessed it before, the English nation did at that time most solemnly renounce and abdicate it, for themselves and for all their posterity forever.
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Quando a casa do vizinho está em chamas, não erra quem se preocupa em proteger a própria. É melhor ser desprezado por excesso de zelo do que arruinado por excesso de confiança.
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​You will smile here at the consistency of those democratists who, when they are not on their guard, treat the humbler part of the community with the greatest contempt, whilst, at the same time, they pretend to make them the depositories of all power.
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Who but a tyrant (a name expressive of every thing which can vitiate and degrade human nature) could think of seizing on the property of men, unaccused, unheard, untried, by whole descriptions, by hundreds and thousands together?
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I readily admit (indeed I should lay it down as a fundamental principle) that in a republican government, which has a democratic basis, the rich do require an additional security above what is necessary to them in monarchies. They are subject to envy, and through envy to oppression.
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O governo não é feito em virtude de direitos naturais, que podem e devem existir em total independência dele, e existem em uma clareza e em um grau muito maiores de perfeição abstrata; mas sua perfeição abstrata é seu defeito prático. Por ter direito a tudo, eles querem tudo. O governo é um artifício da sabedoria humana para prover as vontades humanas. Os homens têm direito a que esses desejos sejam providenciados por esta sabedoria. Entre esses desejos está o reconhecimento da necessidade, numa sociedade civil, de um constrangimento suficiente sobre as paixões. A sociedade exige que não só as paixões dos indivíduos sejam submetidas, mas que, mesmo em multidões e organizações, bem como nos indivíduos, as inclinações dos homens sejam frequentemente contrariadas, suas vontades controladas, e suas paixões suprimidas. Isso só pode ser feito por um poder externo a eles, e jamais sujeito, no exercício da sua função, a essa vontade e às paixões que tem o dever de refrear e subjugar. Neste sentido, as restrições sobre os homens, bem como as suas liberdades, devem ser reconhecidas como seus direitos. Mas, como as liberdades e as restrições variam de acordo com os tempos e circunstâncias e admitem infinitas modificações, elas não podem ser estabelecidas sobre nenhum tipo de regra abstrata; e nada é tão tolo quanto discuti-las a partir desse princípio.
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Qual é a utilidade de discutir o direito abstrato de um homem a alimentos ou medicamentos? A questão é sobre o método de adquiri-los e administrá-los. Nessa deliberação, eu sempre aconselho a pedir a ajuda do agricultor e do médico em vez do professor de metafísica.
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My principles enable me to form my judgment upon men and actions in history, just as they do in common life, and are not formed out of events and characters, either present or past. History is a preceptor of prudence, not of principles. The principles of true politics are those of morality enlarged; and I neither now do, nor ever will, admit of any other.
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the bitter heart-burnings, and the war of tongues, which is so often the prelude to other wars.
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I wished to warn the people against the greatest of all evils,—a blind and furious spirit of innovation, under the name of reform.
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all virtues are not equally becoming to all men and at all times.
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We are not made at once to pity the oppressor and the oppressed.
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there is no circumstance, in all the contradictions of our most mysterious nature, that appears to be more humiliating than the use we are disposed to make of those sad examples which seem purposely marked for our correction and improvement.
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